Junta’s soft power and the coming Thai-style democracy
Is the military to become the one-stop-shop for the ills of our society?
The junta still claims to be paving a path back to democracy, even after two fraught years of demoralising and unapologetic military rule. Their hopes of progress now seemingly rest on the long-awaited constitutional referendum scheduled for August 7.
For the generals, this vote is intended to provide concrete assurance to both the Thai public and Western nations that Thailand has not turned its back on democracy. But all the while, the military has been manoeuvring to establish itself as the one-stop-shop for the resolution of Thailand's societal ills.
Moreover, despite its determined efforts to persuade a majority of Thais that the new constitution will benefit the country, this remains in serious doubt for many.
The core concern is the whether the current charter draft can bring a form of democracy that is acceptable to Thais as well as the international community. Critics say its passage would be a crucial step in the military's push to institutionalise its primacy in a "Thai-style" democracy.
For the generals, this vote is intended to provide concrete assurance to both the Thai public and Western nations that Thailand has not turned its back on democracy. But all the while, the military has been manoeuvring to establish itself as the one-stop-shop for the resolution of Thailand's societal ills.
Moreover, despite its determined efforts to persuade a majority of Thais that the new constitution will benefit the country, this remains in serious doubt for many.
The core concern is the whether the current charter draft can bring a form of democracy that is acceptable to Thais as well as the international community. Critics say its passage would be a crucial step in the military's push to institutionalise its primacy in a "Thai-style" democracy.
The past two years has seen a new norm established for the role of the military, with most Thais more accepting of its expanded civilian remit that they credit with bringing back order to the streets.
In recent months, the military has stepped up its soft-power approach through rural developmental programmes under the Internal Security Operations Command, focusing on the Northeast especially. The aim is to build trust and political support among rural folk who remain suspicious of a military they see as opposed to their interests. Sceptics have been surprised by the discipline and respect displayed by soldiers in developmental interactions with the long-disregarded and disparaged rural poor.
For instance, in politely declining villagers' offer of food and other gifts in return for their help, the military is challenging - albeit in a small way - an entrenched patronage system that underpins social, political and economic injustices in daily life.
Yet that gesture must be placed in the wider context, of a Thailand that remains undemocratic - labelled "Not Free" by rights NGO Freedom House.
"Normal service" was resumed with the release of the Election Commission's official referendum campaign song, which panders to stereotypes of Isaan folk as ignorant, politically unaware and unable to think for themselves, in contrast to the democracy-loving southerners. The lyrics reflect a patronising view prevalent among the urban middle class and came as no surprise to those familiar with Thai political rhetoric.
The junta's current strategy is likely influenced by the outcome of the 2007 constitutional referendum. Yet, while just over 56 per cent voted "yes" to that draft charter, the "no" vote was more than 41 per cent - and 48 per cent of those votes came from Isaan. No surprise then that governmental agencies should paint an unflattering picture of this "rebellious and undeserving constituency".
Resorting to the politics of stereotypes, however, is now preventing Thailand from recognising core principles of democracy such as inclusiveness and equality of opportunity. The attempt to exclude or marginalise large swathes of the populace based on outdated stereotypes obviously violates these principles.
The situation is exacerbated when enough people are convinced by this very approach, which acts to create self-reinforcing societal illusions that Thais are now struggling to break out of.
"I heard that the government will hand out copies of the [draft] constitution, so I am now waiting to read it," said an anonymous farmer from Nam Yuen district, Ubon Ratchathani. "We don't know much about the [constitutional] referendum, because we live in a village and we only hear about it on the news," said another resident of the district who also wished to remain anonymous.
Rather than ignorance, these responses are reflect limits to access of information and freedom of expression - especially when open debate and criticism of the charter draft are forbidden.
Even so, such responses are not so very different from those of middle-class citizens, who are apparently little-the-wiser. The arguments of these more "educated" people are just as likely to reflect what they have gleaned from the news, since few Thais of any social class have actually read the draft constitution.
Disturbing to witness is the extent to which Thais continue happily to play ball with authoritarian state structures in the belief that they will be beneficiaries, even if this means that others must lose out.
With the generals having convinced themselves of their necessary status as Thailand's guardians and caretakers, their prolonged stewardship will likely help instil the same belief in a great many more Thais, also.
And the ultimate consequences? That these prevailing attitudes will almost inevitably characterise the coming "Thai-style" democracy, whether or not the impetus comes from the military/political establishment or a belated grass-roots revival. Meanwhile those hoping for meaningful democratic progress could be left disappointed.
Titipol Phakdeewanich is dean of the Political Science Faculty at Ubon Ratchathani University, and a visiting fellow at the Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation at the University of Warwick in Britain.
In recent months, the military has stepped up its soft-power approach through rural developmental programmes under the Internal Security Operations Command, focusing on the Northeast especially. The aim is to build trust and political support among rural folk who remain suspicious of a military they see as opposed to their interests. Sceptics have been surprised by the discipline and respect displayed by soldiers in developmental interactions with the long-disregarded and disparaged rural poor.
For instance, in politely declining villagers' offer of food and other gifts in return for their help, the military is challenging - albeit in a small way - an entrenched patronage system that underpins social, political and economic injustices in daily life.
Yet that gesture must be placed in the wider context, of a Thailand that remains undemocratic - labelled "Not Free" by rights NGO Freedom House.
"Normal service" was resumed with the release of the Election Commission's official referendum campaign song, which panders to stereotypes of Isaan folk as ignorant, politically unaware and unable to think for themselves, in contrast to the democracy-loving southerners. The lyrics reflect a patronising view prevalent among the urban middle class and came as no surprise to those familiar with Thai political rhetoric.
The junta's current strategy is likely influenced by the outcome of the 2007 constitutional referendum. Yet, while just over 56 per cent voted "yes" to that draft charter, the "no" vote was more than 41 per cent - and 48 per cent of those votes came from Isaan. No surprise then that governmental agencies should paint an unflattering picture of this "rebellious and undeserving constituency".
Resorting to the politics of stereotypes, however, is now preventing Thailand from recognising core principles of democracy such as inclusiveness and equality of opportunity. The attempt to exclude or marginalise large swathes of the populace based on outdated stereotypes obviously violates these principles.
The situation is exacerbated when enough people are convinced by this very approach, which acts to create self-reinforcing societal illusions that Thais are now struggling to break out of.
"I heard that the government will hand out copies of the [draft] constitution, so I am now waiting to read it," said an anonymous farmer from Nam Yuen district, Ubon Ratchathani. "We don't know much about the [constitutional] referendum, because we live in a village and we only hear about it on the news," said another resident of the district who also wished to remain anonymous.
Rather than ignorance, these responses are reflect limits to access of information and freedom of expression - especially when open debate and criticism of the charter draft are forbidden.
Even so, such responses are not so very different from those of middle-class citizens, who are apparently little-the-wiser. The arguments of these more "educated" people are just as likely to reflect what they have gleaned from the news, since few Thais of any social class have actually read the draft constitution.
Disturbing to witness is the extent to which Thais continue happily to play ball with authoritarian state structures in the belief that they will be beneficiaries, even if this means that others must lose out.
With the generals having convinced themselves of their necessary status as Thailand's guardians and caretakers, their prolonged stewardship will likely help instil the same belief in a great many more Thais, also.
And the ultimate consequences? That these prevailing attitudes will almost inevitably characterise the coming "Thai-style" democracy, whether or not the impetus comes from the military/political establishment or a belated grass-roots revival. Meanwhile those hoping for meaningful democratic progress could be left disappointed.
Titipol Phakdeewanich is dean of the Political Science Faculty at Ubon Ratchathani University, and a visiting fellow at the Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation at the University of Warwick in Britain.
